The United States supports efforts to resolve a disagreement on the name issue between Athens and Skopje and stands by the decision NATO made at its 2008 summit in Bucharest, a Pentagon spokesperson has said after talks in Washington between US Defense Secretary James Mattis and his counterpart from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Radmila Shekerinska.

In a statement summarizing the meeting, Pentagon spokesperson Dana White said Mattis and Shekerinska discussed the pending name issue with Greece, which has prevented FYROM's accession to NATO.

​The United States supports efforts to resolve this issue, White said, and stands by the decision NATO made at its 2008 summit in Bucharest, Romania, the statement said.

To read the transcript of the event click here.

Source: Ekathimerini; Transcript: U.S. Department of Defense 

There is not enough time for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to join NATO at the alliance’s summit in July, Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias said on Wednesday during a lull in momentum in talks between Athens and Skopje on the “Macedonia” name issue.

“It is totally clear that FYROM will not join NATO [in July],” Kotzias told 24/7 radio station, noting that Skopje wants to hold a referendum on any deal reached, which would then have to go to the country’s Parliament, which would also have to approve changes to the national constitution, as demanded by Athens.

“If we are to have an agreement, we must agree on constitutional changes. So it will go back to the fall,” he said.

Meanwhile the Greek Foreign Ministry hit back at the European enlargement commissioner for saying a solution to the “Macedonia” name dispute is within reach, noting that the decision was not one for Brussels to make.

“Regarding the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, there is still a long way to go in covering the gap created by the backsliding in recent years,” the ministry said, noting that FYROM’s “stability and progress are of vital interest to Greece.”

“This is the seventh time the country has received a positive recommendation from the European Commission,” it said.

“Nevertheless, once again it must be made clear to all sides that the decisions are not made by the Commission but by the Council, where Greece has set out its positions clearly.”

Earlier, Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn said he was optimistic a solution could be found in the coming weeks, adding that “the new government in Skopje is doing good work.”

Despite optimism earlier in the year that a deal on the name issue was within reach, the momentum in United Nations-mediated talks appears to have slowed down.

According to sources, the two sides have agreed on many peripheral matters but there is a major gap on core issues such as FYROM’s constitution and the scope of use of its new name.

Source:
Kathimerini

In the public debate on the occasion of the ongoing negotiations to overcome the name dispute of our country, we faced several misconceptions about this issue, which are lingering over a more extended period. They blur the image and create confusion in the Macedonian [sic] society. This is an excellent time to open up a debate on these issues and thus contribute to creating a favorable atmosphere that will make it easier for our diplomacy to deal with the enormous challenge that we are facing.
 
- The first significant misconception is that the dispute is ONLY (EXCLUSIVE) for the name of our country.

This misconception becomes apparent when the Greek documents from the period when the name dispute arose in the early nineties of the last century would be inspected. It is explicitly stated that the actual issue of Greece is the Macedonian [sic] identity, which was to continue to develop in an independent state, which was unacceptable to her [Greece]. Moreover, this position is a constant of Greek foreign policy to this day. With a small insight into the website of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, you can find the document entitled "FYROM Name Issue" (https://www.mfa.gr/en/fyrom-name-issue/), in which it is contained the official Greek position on the name dispute. It explicitly states that our country declared its independence in 1991, "based on its existence as an independent state of the slogan and false notion of the"Macedonian nation," which was systematically cultivated through falsification of history and the use of ancient Macedonia for genuine political aspirations. "Practically, the Greek foreign minister Kotzias did not abandon the platform created by Samaras in the early 1990s, but only slightly softened the terminology and, unlike Samaras, accepted direct meetings with our chief of diplomacy.

Through the prism of such knowledge, it becomes clear why Greece keeps insisting on the essential change of the name of our country in the Republic of Upper (or Northern or Vardar Macedonia). Just to change the identity of our "artificial and false nation" in a way that is acceptable to the Greek side, regardless of the consequences for our country.

- The second big mistake is the fact that the admission of our country to the United Nations in 1993 is a severe defeat of our diplomacy, realized through a violation of the UN Charter, with our country receiving a temporary name.

The truth is quite the opposite. The admission of the Republic of Macedonia [sic] to the United Nations is the result of a very successful diplomatic action based on the UN Charter and led by a few friendly Western diplomats (mostly the British), who, through an unusual manner managed to avoid the obligation of Britain and France to veto our admission to the Security Council. This is the second misconception about the so-called "Reference", and this is the insane (which is wrong) that the name of the state has been changed to "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia". Many of our politicians and journalists, even our former prime ministers, in their statements succumb to this misconception, so they speak of a "temporary name". The truth is that the extremely unusual mechanism for addressing us (the so-called "reference") it implies that the UN and its member states will address us (will refer to us) under the reference, while our country will use its constitutional name in its communication with them. Practically, this has made it possible not to change the name of our country. It is a big defeat for Greece, which she defiantly conceals from her own public, and our authorities have never bothered to explain them to their citizens.

This inconvenient truth about Greece had come to the surface entirely during the proceedings before the International Court of Justice, who explicitly ruled that the so-called "Reference" not be a state name. Through the 1995 Interim Accord, the same mechanism was transferred to other international organizations, which adequately protected the state interest.

The third misconception is about the 1995 Interim Accord and the removal of the sixteen ray sun from the state flag of the Republic of Macedonia [sic].

In our public, the standard error is that by removing the sixteen ray sun (which Greece calls the "Star of Vergina") from the state flag, the Republic of Macedonia [sic] renounced its essential symbol and suffered irreparable damage. The truth is that the sixteen ray sun is not at all tied to the identity of the Macedonian [sic] nation, since it was unknown during the struggle for our national awareness and liberation during the 19th and 20th centuries, nor at the time of the creation of the Macedonian [sic] Republic based on the decisions of ASNOM since 1944. The Macedonian [sic] national identity has no root in any direct connection with the ancient Macedonian kingdom. Prof. Denko Maleski, our Kissinger, as I would call him, rightly emphasizes that the dominant position in world historical science be that the ancient Macedonian kingdom has a Greek character. The Republic of Macedonia [sic] has the right to the cultural heritage of the ancient Macedonian kingdom, as part of the world's cultural heritage, but also as part of the cultural heritage of our territory. Unfortunately, we must admit that placing the sixteen ray sun of our flag is a rather big mistake and to be reconciled with the fact that with the interim agreement of 1995 we were enabled to get rid of that mistake, not that we were forced to deny of something that is worthwhile for us.

- The fourth mistake is the renaming of our country is possible, without affecting our Macedonian [sic] identity.

As already stated above, the goal of the Greek insistence on a fundamental change in the name of our country in the Republic of Upper (Northern, Vardar) Macedonia is to achieve a change in our Macedonian [sic] identity. Therefore, the negotiations raise questions such as how the Macedonian [sic] language will be named after such a renaming of the state, or how it will be called citizenship, etc. To have no confusion, citizenship (in English: "nationality") is a legal relationship between the individual and the state, and it cannot be named differently from the state to which it relates. Moreover, the renaming of the state in the Republic of Upper (or Northern or Vardar Macedonia) opens the possibility of making an adjective of such a name (for example Upper Macedonian) and that must be clear to us.

Through the clarification of these misconceptions, the Macedonian [sic] public will be able to monitor the course of negotiations over the name dispute much more peacefully. Also, one cannot overlook the circumstances that the current full constitutional name of the Republic (Republic of Macedonia [sic]), which is complicated in itself, clearly distinguish between the name of our country and the name of the region of Macedonia in which it is located. It is also worth mentioning that in the past almost twenty-five years of negotiations under the auspices of the UN Secretary-General, the only compromise accepted by both sides, but at different times is the change of the name of our country to the "Republic of Macedonia-Skopje) ", i.e., "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)", in the international (overall) relations [only]. We recently learned that Greece gave this proposal in September 1997 and our country before the NATO Summit in Bucharest in 2008. Of course, the adoption [of such a proposal] by us in 2008 was conditioned by confirmation of a referendum. 

From the original article on PlusInfo

Во јавната дебата по повод тековните преговори за надминување на спорот за името на нашата земја се соочивме со неколку заблуди за ова прашање, кои се провлекуваат во подолг временски период. Тие ја заматуваат сликата и создаваат конфузија во македонското [sic] општество. Ова е добар момент да се отвори расправа за овие прашања и на тој начин да се даде придонес кон создавање поволна атмосфера, која на нашата дипломатија ќе ѝ олесни успешно да се справи со големиот предизвик со кој сме соочени.

​– Првата голема заблуда е дека спорот е САМО (ЕДИНСТВЕНО) за името на нашата држава.

Оваа заблуда станува очигледна кога ќе се направи увид во грчките документи од раните деведесетти години на минатиот век, од периодот кога настана спорот за името. Во нив е изречно наведено дека вистинската грижа на Грција е македонскиот [sic] идентитет, кој требаше да продолжи да се развива во независна држава, што за неа беше неприфатливо. И оваа позиција е константа на грчката надворешна политика до денешен ден. Со еден мал увид во веб страницата на грчкото министерство за надворешни работи, може да се најде документот насловен како „FYROM Name Issue“(https://www.mfa.gr/en/fyrom-name-issue/), во кој е содржана официјалната грчка позиција за спорот за името. Во него изречно се наведува дека нашата држава ја прогласила својата независност во 1991 година, „базирајќи го своето постоење како независна држава на вешачкиот и лажен поим на „Македонска [sic] нација“, која била култивирана систематски преку фалсификување на историјата и употребата на античка Македонија за чисто политичкa целeсooбразност“. Практично, грчкиот надворешен министер Коsијас воопшто не ја напуштил платформата креирана од Самарас во раните деведесетти години од ХХ-от век, туку само малку ја ублажил терминологијата и за разлика од Самарас, прифаќа директни средби со нашиот шеф на дипломатијата.

Низ призмата на таквото сознание, станува јасно зошто Грција толку инсистира на суштинска промена на името на нашата држава во „Република Горна (или Северна или Вардарска) Македонија“. Едноставно, за да произведе промена на идентитетот на нашата „вештачка и лажна нација“ и тоа на начин кој е прифатлив за грчката страна, независно од последиците по нашата држава.

– Втората голема заблуда е стојалиштето дека приемот на нашата земја во Обединетите нации во 1993 година е тежок пораз на нашата дипломатија, остварен преку повреда на Повелбата на ОН, при што нашата држава добила привремено име.

Вистината е сосема спротивна. Приемот на Република Македонија [sic] во ОН е резултат на многу вешта дипломатска акција заснована на Повелбата на ОН и предводена од неколку пријателски западни дипломатии (најмногу британската), кои преку еден невообичаен модус успејаа да ја избегнат обврската на Велика Британија и Франција за ставање вето на нашиот прием во Советот за безбедност. На тој начин, овие земји во суштина ја погазија Лисабонската декларација од 1992 година, во која беше предвидено дека ЕУ нема да ја признае нашата држава, доколку во името е вклучен зборот „Македонија“[sic]. Кон тоа се надодава втората заблуда во врска со т.н. „референца“, а тоа е привидот (кој е погрешен) дека името на државата е сменето во „поранешна Југословенска Република Македонија“. Многу наши политичари и новинари, дури и наши поранешни премиери, во своите изјави подлегнуваат на таа заблуда, па зборуваат за „привремено име“. Вистината е дека крајно невообичаениот механизам за обраќање до нас (т.н. „референца“) подразбира дека ОН и нејзините држави членки ќе ни се обраќаат (ќе нѐ ословуваат) под референцата, додека нашата држава во комуникацијата со нив ќе го користи своето уставно име. Практично, со тоа е овозможено да не се промени името на нашата држава. Тоа е голем пораз за Грција, кој таа вешто го прикрива од сопствената јавност, а нашите власти никогаш не се потрудија тоа да им го објаснат на своите граѓани.

Оваа непријатна вистина за Грција целосно исплива на површина во текот на постапката пред Меѓународниот суд на правдата, кој и изречно пресуди дека т.н. „референца“ не е име на државата. Преку Времената спогодба од 1995 година, истиот механизам е пренесен и во останатите меѓународни организации, со што во целост е заштитен државниот интерес.

– Третата заблуда е за Времената согласност од 1995 година и отстранувањето на шеснаесеткракото сонце од државното знаме на Република Македонија [sic].

Во нашата јавност преовладува заблудата дека со отстранувањето на шеснаесеткракото сонце (кое Грција го нарекува „Sвездата од Вергина“)од државното знаме, Република Македонија [sic] се откажала од свој суштествен симбол и претрпела ненадоместлива штета. Вистината е дека шеснаесеткракото сонце воопшто не е врзано за идентитетот на македонската [sic] нација, бидејќи тоа и не било познато во текот на борбата за наше национално осознавање и ослободување во текот на 19 и 20 век, ниту пак во моментот на создавањето на македонската [sic] Република заснована на одлуките на АСНОМ од 1944 година. Македонскиот [sic] национален идентитет нема свој корен во некаква директна врска со античкото македонско кралство. Проф. Денко Малески, нашиот „Кисинџер“, како што јас би го нарекол, со право потенцира дека доминантното стојалиште во светската историска наука е дека античкото македонско кралство има грчки карактер. Република Македонија [sic] има право на културното наследство на античкото македонско кралство, како дел од светското културно наследство, но и како дел од културното наследство на нашата територија. За жал, мора да признаеме дека ставањето на шеснаесеткракото сонце на нашето знаме е прилично голема грешка и да се помириме со фактот дека со времената согласност од 1995 година ни беше овозможено да се ослободиме од таа грешка, а не дека сме биле принудени да се одречеме од нешто што е вредно за нас.

– Четвртата заблуда е дека можно суштинско преименување на нашата држава, без да се засегне во нашиот македонски [sic] идентитет.

Како што веќе беше погоре наведено, целта на грчкото инсистирање на суштинска промена на името на нашата држава во „Република Горна (Северна, Вардарска) Македонија“ e да се постигне промена на нашиот македонски [sic] идентитет. Затоа во преговорите се отвораат прашања од типот како ќе се именува македонскиот [sic] јазик по таквото преименување на државата, или како ќе се именува државјанството и сл. Да немаме забуни, државјанството (на англиски: „nationality“) е правна врска меѓу поединецот и државата и тоа не може да биде именувано поинаку од државата на која се однесува. Уште повеќе, преименувањето на државата во „Република Горна (или Северна или Вардарска) Македонија“ отвара можност за содавање придавка од таквото име (на пример: Горномакедонско, Горномакедонски, Горномакедонска) и тоа мора да ни биде јасно.

Преку јасното расчистување со овие заблуди, македонската [sic] јавност ќе може многу помирно да го следи текот на преговорите за надминување на спорот за името. При тоа, не смее да се губи од предвид околноста дека со постојното полно уставно име на државата (Република Македонија [sic], Republic of Macedonia [sic]) кое е сложено, само по себе се постигнува јасно разликување меѓу името на нашата држава и името на регионот Македонија во кој таа е лоцирана. Исто така, вреди да се спомене дека во изминативе речиси дваесет и пет години преговори под покровителство на генералниот секретар на ОН, единствениот компромис кој бил прифатен и од двете страни, но во различни моменти е промена на името на нашата држава во „Република Македонија (Скопје)“, односно „Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)“, во меѓународните (севкупни) односи. Неодамна дознавме дека Грција го дала овој предлог во септември 1997 година, а нашата држава пред НАТО Самитот во Букурешт во 2008 година. Се разбира, прифаќањето од наша страна во 2008-та година беше условено со потврда на референдум.

Од: PlusInfo

Подобро е да ги решаваш проблемите отколку да ги игнорираш, вели скопскиот градоначалник за грчкиот весник „Документо“. Петре Шилегов, вели дека тој, но и премиерот Зоран Заев сакаат да ги решаваат, а не да создаваат проблеми.

​- Кога сакаш да решиш еден проблем, го решаваш. Кога не сакаш, не го решаваш. Она што го гледам во овој момент е дека меѓу двете влади постои едно расположение, намера да се реши проблемот, вели Шилегов.

Како што јавува дописникот на МИА од Атина, во интервјуто под наслов „Александар Велики никогаш не бил дел од нашата регуларна историја“, Петре Шилегов говори за проблемот што Грција го има со нашето уставно име, за направените промени во Уставот, за Александар Велики, но и за соработката меѓу двата главни градови.

На прашањето за евентуалните уставни промени што Грција ги бара од нас, скопскиот градоначалник објаснува дека постои член во Уставот според кој Македонија [sic] нема територијални претензии од соседните земји.

- За конкретното прашање го променивме нашиот устав во 1992. Во нашиот Устав не постои член што поддржува такво нешто за ниту една земја. Секако, постои член во нашиот устав што вели дека немаме територијални претензии од соседните земји. Затоа ова не треба да биде закана за никој во Грција, вели скопскиот градоначалник.

Шилегов одбива да ги коментира македонските [sic] позиции во разговорите за името, бидејќи вели дека било каква политичка изјава може да му наштети на процесот.

- Процесот што е во тек меѓу владите се наоѓа на средина. Така што во овој момент било каква изјава за прашањето, особено од политичари - дури и моето лично мислење бидејќи сум потпретседател на социјалдемократската партија, може да нанесе штета. Подобро е да им помагаш на луѓето што преговараат, што се вклучени во процесот, да ги охрабруваш да го решат проблемот, вели скопскиот градоначалник.

Запрашан за тоа дали се согласува со изјавата на поранешниот претседател Киро Глигоров дека сме Словени што дошле по Александар Велики, Шилегов вели дека преферира, Александар Велики да го гледа како лидер што го цивилизирал целиот свет.

- Александра Велики никогаш не бил дел од нашата регуларна историја. Беше вклучен во нашата историја во последните десет години. Во основа, кога говориш за таков вид на етничка припадност, држави и народи, тоа се однесува на последните 300 години, додека пак Александар Велики, живеел пред 2300 години. Јас преферирам да го гледам како лидер што го цивилизираше целиот свет, објаснува градоначалникот на Скопје во интервјуто за „Документо“.

Шилегов вели дека комуникацијата е најдобриот мост на пријателство меѓу народите, бидејќи многу стереотипи исчезнуваат кога луѓето се запознаваат и „така разбираме дека ги имаме истите проблеми и ги делиме истите вредности“.

- Ние, од позиција на градоначалник на Атина од една и градоначалникот на Скопје од друга страна, откривме дека ги делиме истите проблеми, вели Шилегов.

Обраќањето на грчки јазик на почетокот од прес-конференцијата во Атина, по средбата со Каминис, предизвика аплаузи кај присутните, а сега новинарката во интервјуто го прашува дали има некаква поврзаност со Грција. Вели дека неговиот дедо бил роден во село во близина на Воден, а од Грција заминал кон средината на 20-от век, но тоа не е причината што тој знае малку грчки, туку вели дека научил затоа што поминал многу време во различни делови на Грција, во близина на нашата земја.

Од: PlusInfo

Skopje Mayor Petre Silegov has voiced his support for renewed efforts to settle the name dispute with Athens, while admitting that Alexander the Great was never part of the history of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM).

“Alexander the Great was never a part of our proper history. He was incorporated in our history in the past 10 years,” Shilegov said in an interview with Documento newspaper published over the weekend.

In the same interview, Shilegov said both he and FYROM Prime Minister Zoran Zaev were keen to reach a settlement on the name row with Greece.

“It is better to solve problems than to pretend they do not exist,” he said.

​Source: Ekathimerini

The leader of the junior coalition party in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia believes Athens and Skopje should settle the ongoing name dispute with an agreement of good-neighborly relations rather than putting the issue to a public referendum.

Speaking to Kathimerini, Ali Ahmeti of the Democratic Union for Integration, the country’s largest ethnic Albanian political party, says the “best way to settle the [name] issue is the model of good-neighborly relations signed between Skopje and Sofia, developed by the two governments and ratified by the two parliaments.”

Ahmeti, who is also the former political leader of the Albanian National Liberation Army (UCK), argued that there will be no better time than the present for Greece and FYROM to settle their differences, warning that if a solution is not found, this may threaten the unity of FYROM and present-day border.

He also reveals that the name “Republic of Northern Macedonia” had been put forward during talks in 2011.

Do you believe that the mass protest rallies – that held in Thessaloniki a couple of weeks ago [and the one in Athens] – could threaten the negotiations?

Negotiations have been ongoing for the past two-and-a-half decades. Both sides, Skopje and Athens, as well as their citizens and the international community, have a deep understanding of the nature of the problem. Often in the past, the dispute and the emotional resonance it can have, have been abused by politicians in their pre-election campaigns. Today, we are better informed, we have better knowledge of each other and we know that we do not pose a risk of any kind to each other. Quite the opposite, we are neighbors, our citizens communicate every day, our businesses have close commercial ties and we share the same fate.

This is why, in a turbulent world such as this one, it is our duty as politicians to refrain from inciting our citizens with fear and insecurity, and to boldly and rationally approach a solution that will benefit both sides, a compromise that will be acceptable to Athens and Skopje.

Do you think that the government in Skopje and the people could accept a name that did not contain the word “Macedonia”?

Greece’s position has evolved in the past few years, not just during [Prime Minister Alexis] Tsipras’s administration, but also under the previous one, and the word “Macedonia” in our country’s name is no threat to Greece’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. It was, after all, part of the proposal for a solution in 2008 in Bucharest, as well as in discussions that followed, such as in 2011 when the name “Republic of Northern Macedonia” was put forward.

Our Greek neighbors should be assured that out country has no territorial or other claims over their country and it is absurd to assume such a thing. If this dispute is not solved, things can go terribly wrong. If things go bad for us, then obviously this will also have consequences for Athens and could therefore rekindle the bygone ambitions of various circles that have antiquated opinions of division, of new borders in the Balkans. I believe that this would be very dangerous for all of us.

Do you see the possibility of organized responses in public opinion in the event that the proposals put forward by United Nations special mediator Matthew Nimetz are deemed unacceptable?

The reactions of individuals, without an in-depth study of Mr Nimetz’s proposals, do not serve the process. We, the country’s leadership, and the opposition will sit down to examine his proposals and try to give positive and constructive feedback. As politicians, we have a historic responsibility to achieve a solution, but also to convince our citizens that a dignified solution to the name issue will open the doors to NATO and the European Union for us.

Do you and your party agree with the idea of the name issue being put to a referendum or do you think this would restrict the government’s negotiating position?

Bearing in mind the emotional impact on our citizens of more than two decades of negotiations, I believe that the best way to settle the [name] issue is the model of good-neighborly relations signed between Skopje and Sofia, developed by the two governments and ratified by the two parliaments. In any case, the government and the opposition have a historic responsibility to resolve the issue and to lead our citizens and our country into the future, into NATO and the EU. We have had a painful past and we need to learn from the past in order to build a future without repeating the same mistakes.

How likely is political consensus in your country given the hardline stance of President Gjorge Ivanov and the VMRO-DPMNE party?

Mr Ivanov missed an excellent opportunity to improve his image among the Albanian community and to make his mark on the completion of the regulatory part of the Ohrid Agreement. He chose to stick to the party line. I expect him not to take the same approach to such a serious and far-reaching issue as the country’s name. The message delivered by NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg to our Parliament was clear and we have a responsibility to achieve the ambition of our people, and of all our parties, for Euro-Atlantic accession. The time for that is now. We have invited the opposition to the table and the opposition is supportive of a solution. I am confident that we will also have social consensus.

Should the government continue negotiations if domestic consensus is not achieved?

​Reforms and Euro-Atlantic accession are the banners of this government. We will not stop reforming our society, restoring the public’s confidence in the institutions, imposing law and order, and resolving all of our differences with our neighbors. We have already passed new reform laws, elected a new general prosecutor, closed the regulatory part of the Ohrid Agreement, held reliable elections and ended our dispute with Bulgaria, and it is now the turn of a dignified solution to the name issue. The parliamentary majority aims to achieve this goal. We are not in talks for the sake of talks, but for a solution. We both need a solution, in Skopje and in Athens, and there is no better time than right now.

Source: Kathimerini

The NATO Secretary General, Mr. Jens Stoltenberg, traveled to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) on January 17 and 18, 2018.

Mr. Stoltenberg held meetings with the President, Mr. Gjorge Ivanov, the Prime Minister, Mr. Zoran Zaev, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Nikola Dimitrov, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, Ms. Radmila Šekerinska, the President of the Parliament, Mr. Talat Xhaferi and other high level officials.

On Thursday, January 18, the Secretary General addressed the Parliament of the FYROM.

Video Source: NATO News | Transcript: NATO

Грчката телевизија Алфа соопшти дека Зоран Заев ги отфрлил практиките на неговиот претходник Никола Груевски и објаснил зошто не се согласува со позицијата на претходните премиери, дека „скопјаните се единствени наследници на Александар Велики“. Всушност, станува зор за најава на интервјуто со Заев. Најавата е побитна од исказот на Заев, бидејќи таа ни кажува како Грците (кои „имаат проблем со нашето уставно име“, како што Заев често на ја повторува таа фраза наследена од агитпропот на Груевски) ги разбрале него и намерите на нашата влада, за тоа до кој степен таа е подготвена да прави отстапки.

Сфаќам дека Заев има потреба на некој начин (одмерен и дипломатски, бездруго), да одговори на фактот што на Грција ѝ пречи тоа што ние го поврзуваме нашиот идентитет со античка Македонија, која таа ја смета за грчка. Во една пригода, во фамозната 2008 година, кога нашата земја имаше ексклузивна прилика умно да затвори голем дел од овие отворени прашања (а постапи спротивно на тоа!), напишав дека јас лично мислам дека Грците имаат исто толку големи проблеми во присвојувањето на наследството на Филип и на Александар колку што имаме и ние, ако не и поголеми. Но, тоа сепак е нивен проблем.

Гротеска

Темата е толку сложена и во политичка смисла толку непродуктивна и нерелевантна, што и тогаш тврдев и сега тврдам дека двете страни треба да постапат рационално, да ја маргинализираат и да им ја остават на историчарите. Во културно-идентитетска смисла, наследството на Филип Втори и на Александар Велики за нас Македонците е празно множество, а приказната за нивната империја е холивудски феномен. Затоа тогаш реков дека е најблиску до умот определбата наследството на големиот војсководец да му го оставиме на целото човештво.

Како и да е, нашиот обид Александар Македонски да го заковаме во нашите национални прангии беше гротескен, како што беше и обидот на Грците да го сторат истото. Но, во Грција се најдоа и умни луѓе, кои одбија еден набрзина склепан споменик на Александар да се подигне и во Атина, градот што бил покорен од античките Македонци, кои биле Грци толку колку што морале да бидат во допир со престижната хеленска култура, која потоа ја ширеле во своите освојувања на исток).

Нема нужда современа Македонија да се троши на присвојување на ниту еден атом од античка Македонија. Со тоа ништо не се докажува, ништо не се добива. Само се губи. Ние треба да храбро и јасно да ги определиме нашите идентитетски позиции. И тука делумно не се согласувам со Заев. Не само што „скопјаните не се единствени наследници на Филип и Александар“ (ако атињаните точно го разбрале и пренеле кажаното на Заев), туку не се никакви наследници! Тоа е вистината. Нема артефакти, пишани записи, храмови и што било друго што ќе потврди дека нашите основни идентитетски белези - јазикот, религијата, обичаите и сето она по што е сочинет амалгамот што денес го нарекуваме нација - се поврзани со империјата на Александар Велики.

Вистинските корени

Во изминатата деценија Македонија се отепа од копање за да се најдат артефакти што ќе ја потврдат нашата идентитетска врска со империјата на масовниот убиец, но ништо битно не излезе од тоа. Требаше навреме да сфатиме дека ние, Македонците, не мораме да копаме. Нашите храмови се над земја, тие се непроценливо богатство на кое му се восхитува целиот свет. Ние се гордееме со нашиот македонски јазик. Ние имаме цркви и манастири, житија и живописи пред кои здивот запира, икони пред кои светот се поклонува, светски призната мисија на основоположинците на словенската писменост, инспиративни дела на нашите преродбеници, препознатливи творби на нашите модерни автори и на нашите современици. Нашиот културен код е препознатлив во целиот свет. Не од вчера, туку со децении. Нашата македонска приказна светот ја знае.

Кога своевремено Ниче Македон на македонската државна телевизија ја промовираше својата тирада за Македоноидите како зачетници на белата раса и директни наследници на Александар Македонски, во еден текст со наслов „Биди Македонец, а не Македоноид!“, напишав: „Извесно време ќе биде вака. Јас се молам тоа време да не биде прекратко, бидејќи ние, Македонците, треба малку да пропатиме, кога веќе патиме од својата глава. Иако мислам дека империјата на Македоноидите ќе трае кратко, токму како и таа на нивниот славен и божемен предок, сепак го велам ова - дури и изборот на вечни патила наспроти приклонувањето кон нивната апсолутна власт, барем за мене, е првенствено естетски избор. Имено, Македонците се убави луѓе. А Македоноидите се грди. Со тоа е кажано и одлучено – сè“.

За жал, моето предвидување дека империјата на Македоноидите ќе трае кратко беше погрешно. Траеше цела една деценија. Тоа веќе не смее да ни се повтори! Во интерес на идентитетот на македонската нација е веднаш, безостатно и одлучно да престанеме да се глупираме со приказната за Александар и Филип како наши потомци и да се свртиме кон нашите вистински корени.

Објавено во „Слободен печат“

Од: Plus Info

This vivid and old folk proverb speaks of the need of the large abundantly overgrown leaves of cabbage was the preference of our ancestors. The soft, but sturdy leaves of cabbage were used as the preferred toilet paper since the appearance of the first Macedonians[sic] on the planet. The proverb, however, aims to depict a particular and especially harmful psychosocial phenomenon, that is, at the time in which only the Macedonians[sic] existed on Earth, and from them, the whole human race had spread ever since.

It is about the plight and hypocrisy of many, in their efforts to "rationalize" and "socialize", or even to make seemingly socially useful their own great need. It is this moral message of the above proverb and not its bucolic or romantic imagery. It is the real reason why I unearthed the folk monuments from the vaults of the Macedonian[sic] cultural heritage. Fortunately, you have seen it before. I am referring to the topic of antiquization of the Macedonian[sic] ethnogenesis and the ancient rebranding of our national identity, which the VMRO performed with destructive efficiency in the eleven years of its dictatorship of stupidity.

Cultural self-destruction

It happened to us precisely as in the proverb. After they buried the Macedonian[sic] capital with overpriced artfully and culturally worthless alien to us feces, neatly carved into some crazy porn-baroque style with Cretinism. They attempted to convince us that their fecal rebranding of “Macedonian[sic] national identity” was an essential public service, i.e., to save the Macedonian[sic] name and to strengthen our positions in the negotiations for finding a mutually acceptable solution regarding a name in the world. Moreover, our greatest historical tragedy is they managed to persuade many hot-blooded Macedonian[sic] patriots that "they did not grow old, but they were harvested" like cabbage from which one would bake a traditional pie and spiritually feed the Macedonian[sic] flock who suffers the biblical disruptions from which the international community has exposed us.

Therefore, there is insolvency and confusion in the country, even for the need to clean the piles of feces from squares, streets, and quays of Skopje, but also about the readiness of the Macedonian[sic] society for such a catharsis.

But let's understand something. Time is not on our side because on one hand people got used to the unbearable restraints of sewage in the vicinity of the fecal monuments from Skopje 2014, so it is not far off the day when this stink will be accepted as an integral part of our identity. On the other hand, as the passing of time petrifies human feces it depicts in real stone monuments which will undoubtedly perpetuate our cultural self-destruction.

So, the question of what to do with the petrified feces of "Skopje 2014" which has become Shakespeare's "to be or not", it is harder to answer because we are entering the psychological trap of the Dunning-Kruger effect, about which I have written.

The fact is that we are wondering what to do with such a super-septic, poisonous and culturally acidic waste that normal nations crushed and relinquished in the first three months after the regime they overthrew had built. We have severely damaged our intellectual and even cognitive power to make decisions or valued judgments since we irrefutably have an already prolonged exposure to the radioactive monuments.

Pro-fascist myth

It turns out that the inability to calculate the fecal pollution in the center of our capital is becoming the visible measure of the beheading of our culture. Such a collapse of judgment practically does not refer only to the thin scum of the new government that tiptoes as if it walks on grinds and shrubs, but it covers the vast body of the smoldered bureaucracy, and above all the Macedonian society as a whole.

It is time for us to measure the "positive" effects of the configuration of our ethnogenesis and our national identity, which is celebrated with the petrified feces of "Skopje 2014", to the monumental stratification of the VMRO-style of Alexandrization of our origin while we had on our side the entire international community which unanimously considered the Greek positions on the name of our country as being irrational and unjustified. While today the situation is completely reversed, the Greek demands are understood and justified by the whole world because the stupid connection of our state’s name to the Hellenic dynasty of the Argeads turned into the accepted evidence that an irredentist and pro-fascist myth is breeding in the Republic of Macedonia[sic], which threatens the stability of the region.

And the binding of the name with the national identity precisely through the image of Alexander II of Macedon fatally undermined our right to the name Macedonian[sic], because for a nation that quickly alters the identity, which it won as a winner in the antifascist epic in the Second World War, and proudly bore it for 70 years, everyone is expecting to change everything else. So, the VMRO feces was in no way a "harvest of greens", but the greens, like our national dignity and identity, are just a necessity for the psychopathic toilet! If we do not clean the feces, they will identify us for centuries.

Оваа сликовита и стара народна поговорка јасно зборува дека вршењето нужда во долче што е богато обраснато со самоникло зеље, било од најстари времиња преференција на нашите претци – од проста причина што големиот, мек, а жилав лист на зељето се користел како најпосакувана тоалет хартија уште од појавата на првите Македонци на планетата. Поговорката, меѓутоа, цели да сликува една сосем специфична – и особено штетна - психосоцијална појава, која од времето кога на Земјата постоеле само Македонците, потем несопирливо се проширила и на целиот човечки род.

Се работи за подмолноста и лицемерието на многумина, во нивните напори да ја „рационализираат“ и „социјализираат“, па дури да ја направат навидум општествено полезна нивната сопствена голема нужда. Токму оваа морална порака на насловната поговорка – а не нејзината пасторалност или лирска сликовитост - е вистинската причина зошто народната умотворина ја ископав од трезорите на македонското културно наследство. Погодивте, нели, дека повторно и се навраќам на темата на антиквизацијата на македонската етногенеза и на античкото ребрендирање на националниот идентитет, што ВМРО ја изведе со уништувачка ефикасност во единаесетте години од својата диктатура на Глупоста.

Културно самопоништување

Тоа ни се случи точно како во поговорката: откога ја затрупаа македонската престолнина со нивните прескапо платени, а уметнички и културно безвредни срања, бездарнички и до кретенизам некадарно изделкани во некаков налудничав порно-барок стил, тие земаа да нè убедуваат дека нивното фекално ребрендирање на македонскиот национален идентитет било од суштествена општонародна полза – за да го спасат името македонско, и да ги зајакнат пред светот нашите позиции во преговорите за пронаоѓање на „заемно прифатливо решение“ за името. При што, нашата најголема историска трагедија е што – очигледно – успеале да убедат многу вжештени македонски патриоти дека „не дека сереле, туку зеље береле“, зеље од кое ќе се пече традиционалниот зелник, што духовно ќе ја прехранел македонската паства додека ги трпи библиските премрежиња на кои нè изложила меѓународната заедница.

Поради тоа, во земјата владее нерешителност и недоумица дури и за потребата од чистење на куповите гомна на скопските плоштади, улици и кејови, но и за способноста на македонското општество за таа катарза.

Но, да се разбереме: времето не работи за нас, зашто од една страна луѓето се навикнуваат на неподносливата реа на канализација во околината на фекалните споменици од „Скопје 2014“, па не е далеку денот кога и оваа смрдеа ќе биде прифатена како составен дел од нашиот идентитет; од друга страна пак, долгото време сака да ги фосилизира човечките гомна и така да ги петрифицира во вистински камени споменици што дефинитивно ќе го овековечат нашето културно самопоништување.

Така што, прашањето што да се прави со петрифицираните фекалии од „Скопје 2014“ стана шекспировското „да се биде или не“, на кое е сè потешко да се одговори, зашто влегуваме во психолошката стапица на Данинг-Кругеровиот ефект, за кој пишував некни. 
Станува збор за тоа што самиот факт што ние се прашуваме што да правиме со еден таков суперсептичен, отровен и културоциден отпад – каков нормални нации го рушат и евакуираат во првите три месеци од соборувањето на режимот што ги изградил - непобитно укажува на фактот дека веројатно поради веќе предолгата изложеност на радиоактивните споменични гомна, нас ни е сериозно оштетена интелектуалната, па и когнитивната моќ да донесуваме какви и да е одлуки или вредносни судови.

Профашистички мит

Испаѓа дека немоќта да се пресметаме со фекалното загадување во центарот на нашата престолнина, станува видливата мерка на декапацитираноста на нашата култура, а овој колапс на разумот практично и не се однесува на тенката скрама на новата власт што како чипкано миљенце се напрега и чепи да го препокрие огромното тело на вмроизираната бирократија, туку, пред сè, на македонското општество како целина.

Време е, затоа, да ги одмериме „позитивните“ ефекти од александризацијата на нашата етногенеза и национален идентитет, што се слави со петрифицираните фекалии од „Скопје 2014“: до споменичното окаменување на вмровската александризација на нашето потекло, ја имавме на наша страна целата меѓународна заедница, која грчките спорења на името на нашата држава унисоно ги сметаа за ирационални и неоправдани. Додека денес ситуацијата е сосем обратна: грчките барања станаа разбирливи и оправдани за целиот свет, зашто токму налудничавото поврзување на нашето државно име со хеленската династија на Аргеадите, стана општоприфатениот доказ дека во Република Македонија се одгледува иредентистички и профашистички мит што ја загрозува стабилноста на регионот.

​А, врзувањето на името со националниот идентитет токму преку ликот на Александар Втори Македонски, фатално го поткопа и нашето право на името македонско, зашто за нација што така лесно го менува идентитетот - со кој се здоби како победник во антифашистичката епопеја во Втората светска војна и гордо го носеше 70 години, сите очекуваат дека ќе смени и сè друго.
Така што, вмровското серење во никој случај не било „зеље берење“, туку зељето – како и нашето национално достоинство и идентитет – било само тоалет за нивната психопатска нужда! Измет, што – ако не го исчистиме - ќе нè идентификува во веки веков.

Од: Plus Info

Diplomats in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) have proposed the renaming of Skopje's airport from "Alexander the Great" to "Kiro Gligorov" (the former first president of FYROM), an idea that seems to be accepted by Prime Minister Zoran Zaev despite the strong objections expressed by Nikola Gruevski's main opposition party VMRO-DPMNE.

In particular, Skopje's "Diplomatic Club" said last Friday (November 10th) that it supported initiatives for the renaming of Skopje's airport and proposed the name of the country's first President.

The Skopje Diplomatic Club, in a related statement, went on to say that the renaming of Skopje airport to "Kiro Gligorov" will depict in the most dignified way the appreciation of the important role played by the late president of the country in the process of establishing the modern state of FYROM and will indelibly seal the collective memory of its citizens.

The "Skopje Diplomatic Club" is a group that consists mainly of former and active diplomats of FYROM and aims to "promote the professional and social life of diplomats in Skopje". Members of the former diplomatic service of FYROM, as well as foreign diplomats currently serving or having served in Skopje, have the right to participate as members.

Zaev in favour, Gruevski against

The Prime Minister of FYROM Zoran Zaev, responding to a question regarding the renaming of the airport, said he sees the idea of ​​renaming the airport to "Kiro Gligorov" as acceptable in principle.

"At first sight I like this idea. But I am only one of the citizens of the country. I want to listen carefully to all citizens. Let's start a debate and we will hear what the citizens will say", Zaev said.

For their part, the right-wing nationalist party VMRO-DPMNE has opposed the renaming of Skopje airport and noted that "when they come back to power they will cancel and restore everything that Zaev and his government are tearing down".

VMRO-DPMNE in their press statement further accused Zoran Zaev and his government of "undermining national interests" in FYROM and noted that "the intention to rename Skopje's airport is the latest of a series of concessions made by Zaev against the country".

Skopje's airport which was previously known as the "Petrovice", was renamed in December 2016, by Nikola Gruevski's government at that time to "Alexander the Great Airport" - a name that infuriated Greece.

At the airport, a statue of Alexander the Great was also installed by the Turkish company TAV which manages Skopje's airport.

Thoughts for a change of name

Recently, Zaev, speaking to Montenegro's Antenna M radio station, appeared ready to discuss a name change for his country to reach an agreement with Greece in order to begin NATO and European Union accession processes.

As the prime minister of FYROM said, his desire is for good neighbourly relations with Greece, which, in order to be achieved, must include an agreement on the name issue.

"It is important to focus on the problem that Greece has with our constitutional name. I believe that there will be a solution and a way to come up with the new name. In the end, what is important for us is to find a solution for the name, because not only will we receive a call for NATO membership but also we will be able to start negotiations with the European Union", the Prime Minister of FYROM stated. He further underlined, the invitation to join NATO is an incentive to find a "common language" with Greece.

Source: IBNA

Greece’s Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias and his counterpart in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Nikola Dimitrov, told reporters Thursday at a joint press conference that they are laying the groundwork of the process that will allow negotiations to resolve the decades-old dispute over the tiny Balkan country’s name.

Not much more was expected from Kotzias’s one-day visit to Skopje as substantial negotiations are expected to take place in the period stretching from October, after local elections are held in FYROM, until 2019, when national elections are expected to take place in both countries.

However, given the region’s volatility and the rise of irredentist rhetoric, analysts believe that negotiations will pick up speed in 2018. Both men said yesterday they were committed to working on good relations and regional cooperation.

Both Athens and Skopje have signaled their intent to improve relations, and the government of Prime Minister Zoran Zaev has pledged to push to join NATO and the European Union.

Dimitrov said Skopje expects “help and support for European integration.” Kotzias reiterated Greece’s support to all countries in the western Balkan countries in their EU and NATO aspirations, including those of FYROM, but insisted that this will happen on the condition that irredentist rhetoric is scrapped and the name dispute resolved.

​Source: Ekathimerini

Greece has accused the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) of violating a 1995 agreement that normalized bilateral relations between the two states after officials of the Balkan country’s women’s under-17 national handball team showed up wearing “Macedonia” insignia on their jerseys for a match against their Greek counterparts in Skopje.

The Greek Handball Association withdrew its players in protest at the incident Tuesday after which FYROM scored a technical victory of 10-0. As a result, the European Handball Federation (EHF) excluded the Greek women's handball team from the competition and imposed a 25,000-euro fine on the federation.

The Greek team has the right to appeal the decision.
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“According to the interim accord of 1995, FYROM can join international organizations only under its provisional name. We witness once again that FYROM, after gaining membership to an international organization, attempts to violate the interim accord and participate under its constitutional name,” the Greek Foreign Ministry said in a statement Thursday.

“The Foreign Ministry expresses its support to the members of the women's under-17 national handball team, who were forced to withdraw from the European Championship match with FYROM, due to FYROM's violation of the interim accord,” it said.

Greece and FYROM have been at loggerheads over the right to the name Macedonia since the early 1990s. Athens insists that the name “Macedonia” inherently suggests territorial ambitions beyond its neighbor’s existing borders into the northern Greek province with the same name.

Athens and Skopje  signed an interim agreement in 1995 under which FYROM would be referred to internationally as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In exchange, Greece lifted its embargo, recognized the provisional name and agreed not to block the country's membership in international institutions.

​Source: Ekathimerini

Bulgarian Prime Minister Boiko Borisov and his 'Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)' counterpart Zoran Zaev signed a treaty of good neighbourliness between the two countries in Skopje on August 1.

The signing represents the culmination of years of diplomatic efforts by a succession of governments in Sofia and Skopje to get the wording of the treaty signed and agreed.

The treaty is based on the text of a 1999 declaration between Bulgaria and the FYROM.

The moves to get the document finalised and signed was agreed on in June 2017 during a visit to Bulgaria’s capital Sofia by Zaev, soon after he became the FYROM's head of government.

Among other provisions, the treaty provides for the setting up of a committee to examine events in the shared histories of the two countries, and for Bulgaria and the FYROM to hold joint celebrations of personalities and events in history.

The document affirms that the two countries have no territorial claims on each other.

Bulgaria and the FYROM undertake effective measures in their respective countries against unscrupulous propaganda.

For the document to come into force, it must be ratified by the parliaments in Sofia and Skopje. Recently, Bulgaria’s National Assembly unanimously approved a declaration backing the declaration. However, in Skopje, the opposition led by former [ultra-nationalist] prime minister Nikola Gruevski has been highly critical of the treaty.

During Borisov’s visit to Skopje, Bulgaria and the FYROM also were to sign memoranda of co-operation in the areas of natural gas and transport.

Even though Bulgaria was the first to recognise the former Yugoslav republic as the "Republic of Macedonia" after that country’s departure from the former Yugoslavia, relations between the two countries frequently have been vexed, with disputes among politicians and in the media about key issues regarding national identity, language, history and other sensitive matters.

Speaking after the August 1 2017 signing ceremony, Zaev said that the signing of the friendship treaty showed that where there was political will, issues would be solved.

Bulgaria and the FYROM had taken a historic step forward together, he said.

Zaev said that the treaty was an example of co-operation in the region. “We see a constructive partner in the Bulgarian government,” he said.

Borisov noted that the signing of the treaty had eluded the two countries for several years, and thanked Zaev and his team for the months of work to achieve the signing.

He predicted a positive reaction from the European Union to the signing of the treaty. The results of the treaty would be visible to citizens both of Bulgaria and of the FYROM, Borisov said.

The Bulgarian Prime Minister noted that he and Zaev were from two different political families in Europe, respectively the conservative European People’s Party and the Party of European Socialists. His message was that this had not stood in the way of achieving agreement.

​Source: The Sofia Globe

Next year could be pivotal for the resolution of a longstanding dispute between Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) regarding the Balkan state’s official name, diplomatic sources have indicated to Kathimerini.

Officials in Europe and Washington believe that there could be a window of opportunity to solve the name row in the period between local elections in October this year in FYROM and presidential elections there in 2019.

Hopes of a resolution were raised after Social Democrat Prime Minister Zoran Zaev formed a government in June, following months of political upheaval. After the formation of the new coalition, FYROM Foreign Minister Nikola Dimitrov last month traveled to Athens to meet Greek counterpart Nikos Kotzias, with the latter due to visit Skopje at the end of August.

Another reason diplomats believe a solution might be reachable is that American interest has shifted back to the region, chiefly over fears that Russia could seek to expand its influence over weak nations such as Bosnia-Herzegovina.

According to sources, American officials have observed a return to pragmatism in FYROM, with authorities there apparently prepared to make compromises and concessions. However, officials in FYROM also appear to be buoyed by an apparent readiness in Athens to discuss composite names for FYROM.

Western diplomats have been pressuring neither Athens nor Skopje to make concessions at this phase but they have proposed that both sides avoid public dialogue on the issue to avoid raising expectations, sources said. The aim is for steps to be taken on both sides next year and for negotiations to be completed before FYROM’s presidential elections in 2019, when Greece will face general elections.

​Source: Ekathimerini

Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras said on Thursday that the name dispute between Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) must be resolved before the tiny Balkan neighbor can join the European Union and NATO.

Speaking during a joint press conference with Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic ahead of a trilateral summit of Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian leaders in Thessaloniki, Tsipras said that there are “decisions of the European Council and the NATO summit that say that the name issue must be resolved first, in a mutually acceptable way.”

He also said that the foreign ministers of both countries are in regular contact, while Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias will talk with United Nations envoy Matthew Nimitz, who is mediating the talks between Greece and FYROM over the name issue.

The issue of security and stability in the Western Balkans is to be the focal point of the trilateral while Tsipras, Vucic and Boyko Borisov of Bulgaria are also expected to discuss Thessaloniki train links with Burgas and Belgrade, as well as energy cooperation between the three countries.

​Source: Ekathimerini

Two chief priorities of the new coalition government in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) are the resolution of a long-standing dispute with Greece over the Balkan state’s official name and the country’s accession to NATO with the acronym FYROM, the head of the coalition’s junior partner, ethnic Albanian Ali Ahmeti, has told Kathimerini in an interview.

Resolving the name dispute is “one of the biggest priorities,” Ahmeti said. “We are neighbors and our common future is the European Union. Greece must be the torch-bearer that will lead us too into the EU,” he said, adding that the country could join NATO with the acronym FYROM before talks resume on resolving the name dispute.

“A step must be taken for things to start moving,” he said. “We must take into consideration geopolitical developments and work harder for the accession of the Western Balkans as that will benefit us all,” he added.

​Ahmeti said his country had no maximalist intentions against Greece. “I want to state categorically that Skopje does not have any territorial demands against Greece and to reassure Athens that Greece will face no threat from its northern neighbor,” he said.

Source: Ekathimerini

Matthew Nimetz, the UN Special Envoy in the FYROM-Greece 'Macedonia name dispute', is in Skopje as the 'Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)' seeks to revive its stalled Euro-Atlantic integration bid.

​Taking time out of his busy schedule, Nimetz sat with TV host Vladimir Mircheski of "360 Stepeni" to discuss the need for the FYROM to resolve the "Macedonia name dispute" and to move towards its European integration. 

Athens insists that the name "Republic of Macedonia" inherently suggests territorial ambitions beyond its neighbour’s existing borders into the northern Greek province which is also named "Macedonia." In the video, Nimetz touched upon Greece's concerns of irredentism which was a deeply-entrenched aspiration of the previous ultra-nationalist government of Nikola Gruevski.  
​
Nimetz's last official visit to Skopje and Athens took place in July 2014, during which he did not bring any fresh proposal for a solution to the dispute.

Nimetz's visit comes shortly after the new FYROM government of Prime Minister Zoran Zaev, which was elected in late May, sent Foreign Minister Nikola Dimitrov to Athens in an attempt to pave the way towards building mutual trust, seen as essential if the two neighbours are to resume 'name' talks.
​
Dimitrov received a warm welcome in Athens, but his Greek counterpart Nikos Kotzias reiterated that settlement of the 'name' dispute is crucial if Greece is to support Macedonia's Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

​Source: Staff Reporter | Video: 360 Stepeni

The Special Prosecution, SJO on Thursday announced charges in 17 cases, demanding the arrest of former premier Nikola Gruevski, former Interior Minister Gordana Jankuloska, former Transport Minister Mile Janakieski, former government secretary-general Kiril Bozinovski and Gruevski's former cabinet chief Martin Protugjer.

All of them were indicted on Thursday for masterminding and participating in an election fraud.

The SJO also demanded detention for Gruevski's cousin and former secret police chief Saso Mijalkov in relation to the cases codenamed "Target" and "Tvrdina" [fortress], former Culture Minister Elizabeta Kanceska Milevska in relation to the case codenamed "Tender" and former Vice Prime Minister Vladimir Pesevski, indicted in the case "Traektorija" [trajectory]. 

In addition, the SJO also demanded detention for the mayor of Skopje's Gazi Baba municipality, Toni Trajkovski, and for the editor of Sitel TV, Dragan Pavlovic, who is charged with tax evasion. 

The SJO pressed charges in 17 cases at two days before the expiry of its July 1 deadline for raising charges.

​The total number of newly-indicted people today is 94, while charges have also been raised against seven legal entities.

​Source: BIRN

ELIAMEP Working Paper Nr 79/2017

1. No room for complacency

My personal involvement and engagement with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) goes back to the early nineties, when I was posted to the Mission of Greece to the United Nations (New York). I was deeply involved in the UN diplomatic fight and marathon that led to the compromise reflected in UNSC Resolutions 817 (April 7 ,1993) and 845 ( June 18, 1993).
​
In April 1994, after Greece closed its border with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and imposed a series of economic sanctions, I was drinking my coffee in Skopje operating in the white uniform of the Head of the Regional Office for Bulgaria and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia of the European Community Monitor Mission.

In October 1995, a year later, I was crossing the congested by the heavy traffic open border as the first Head of Mission of Greece to Skopje. It was for me a great honor and an important chapter of a long history of personal engagement. So, there is no room for complacency and evasive talk.

2. ”Nemesis and catharsis”

It is appropriate for me to extend my congratulations to the new government in Skopje. In particular to Foreign Minister Ambassador Nikola Dimitrov the best and most successful diplomat in Skopje. I used to work with his father then Minister of Culture of the Ljubco Georgievski VMRO Government (1998). Later, I had several meetings with Nikola Dimitrov then Advisor to the late President Boris Trajkovski. Last but not least, we served simultaneously for some time as Ambassadors to Washington.

I anticipate that he may have some difficulties to be acquainted with the impressive accessories in and around the new edifice of his Ministry that moved from the modest building of Ulica (Street) Dame Gruev to its present premises. From his own window he will see Alexander the Great looking towards Babylon instead of Brussels, Philip the Macedon securing the Petrovac International Airport dedicated to the glory of his son and a fair selection of Gods from Mount Olympus.

This was the dominant official policy in Skopje for the tandem Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski – President Gjorge Ivanov in their strategy for responding to the aspirations of their peoples, joining NATO and the European Union and for conquering the hearts and minds of the Greeks…

During my frequent visits to Skopje, I was somehow surprised to see that in a sustained pace red paint become pretty often the indispensable accessory to the statutes.

This policy of “Antiquisation” (“Antikvizatzija” ) is the nationalistic policy pursued for eleven years (2006-2017) in a row under Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski largely supported by his own party VMRO; it was also supported by an important group of personalities including ambassadors and other top officials. Let’s be clear: Nikola Gruevski was not alone at all in this irrational and costly campaign.

He did so for the purposes of alleged domestic identity-building and for irritating Greece. Antiquisation received also an important endorsement by the slavmacedonian [sic] diaspora in the USA, Canada and Australia. So, I was in vain expecting all those who were on record in supporting Mr.Gruevski to slow down the pace of distancing themselves from his catastrophic policies. He is very much alone now, but he was far from alone for so many years.

Lately, there are some in Skopje arguing that the “Antiquisation” was FYROM’s reaction to the NATO Bucharest Summit (April 3, 2008).

The facts are very different. Indeed. As early as January 2007, many months prior to the Bucharest Summit, the Government in Skopje decided to name the highway linking Skopje to Thessaloniki (part of the Pan-European Corridor X as “Alexander the Great Highway”) and rename the Petrovac International Airport to (“Alexander the Great”). The initial decision for intensifying the “antiquisation” policy was adopted in an early 2007 closed session of Nikola Gruevski’s inner circle.

Notwithstanding the Administration policies, the US Congress swiftly reacted in a by-partisan manner. Over 110 influential House Representatives and key Senators as well took action. As early as 2007 Senate Resolution S.Res.300 and House Resolution H.Res.356 denounced the “nationalistic and hostile propaganda” stemming from Skopje against Greece. They stressed inter alia that Skopje ”… instilled hostility and a rationale for irredentism in portions of the population of FYROM toward Greece and the history of Greece”. Sponsors included Senators Barack Obama, Jo Kerry, Olympia Snow, Robert Menendez and many others. Among 835 issues introduced as a Resolution of the House in 2007, only four regarding foreign issues –including FYROM’s policies toward Greece- got over 100 members of Congress as sponsors or advocates.

So, there is no apparent causality relation between the launching of the “antiquation policy“ and the Bucharest Summit. It well existed and developed at least twelve months prior to the NATO April
2008 Summit.

Zoran Zaev, the newly appointed Prime Minister unequivocally aligned himself to the grievances of Greece publicly acknowledging that “the previous governments of Nikola Gruevski had provoked Greece by erecting many statues of ancient Greek historical figures (Alexander the Great, Philip of Macedon etc), as well as renaming main roads and the airport of the country”. Speaking on state television, Mr. Zaev said “these moves had been one more act that had led to the deterioration of relations with Greece and vowed to stop adopting such policies”. However, asked if he would tear them down Mr. Zaev replied he would not.

This inherent contradiction shows that while distancing himself from former PM Gruevski, Mr.Zaev has no intention to alter the status quo.

3. A bad Constitution

Yet, this line of conduct was consistent with the Constitution of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Its fundamental Charter, the 1991 Constitution, is the root cause of the endemic cyclical troubles, problems and interethnic tension as well as of the problems and irritants arisen with its neighbors, Greece included.

It is a bad Constitution based on the old Yugoslavian principle of nationalities and not on the European principle of citizens. The Preamble created and indeed cemented the discrimination between Slavmacedonians [sic] and Albanians.

Late ethnic Albanian leaders Arben Xjaferi and Abdurahman Aliti were advocating since the early nineties the need to remedy with this situation. The Slavs resisted early warning and advice offered to them. Following the 2001 interethnic conflict and the NLA’s (a.k.a UCK) successful campaign under the leadership of the charismatic Ali Ahmeti, the Preamble was somehow amended in Ohrid under the aegis of the European Union and the United States.

Yet, there are still a couple of extra miles to go.

There is one lesson to draw since 1991. The best way to avoid “radicalization” is to eliminate the root causes of the problem, adapting thus the 1991 Constitution to evolving and present realities. The same axiom stands as far as relations with neighbors – Greece in particular – are concerned.

There are still in Skopje some who prefer to ignore the realities and consider amending the Constitution as an anathema. Well, not surprisingly, within 14 years, from 1991 to 2005, the Constitution has been already amended 30 (thirty amendments) times; the original problematic Constitution was adopted on November 17, 1991and published in the Official Gazette No 52/1991. Amendments I and II were adopted immediately and published in the Of.G. No 1/1992. The latest set of Amendments XX-XXX were published in No 107/2005. It is clear that the fundamental problem lies with the Constitution and not with its amendments. Accordingly, I foresee a difficult yet necessary way to go in order to cement peace, unity and stability. Since 1991 to our days, this remains the fundamental prerequisite for definitely turning the page from being a former Yugoslav republic to a modern democratic state aspiring to join the European Union and NATO as well.

The “Joint Statement of the Albanian Political Parties”, known also under the narrative “Albanian Platform”, addresses seven key areas fundamental for the stability and welfare of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. I would have preferred to see this document signed in Tetovo or in Skopje. Not in Tirana. I understand that though it was negotiated in Tetovo and in Skopje, BESA insisted to have it signed in Tirana. Notwithstanding this observation, it is a positive contribution to the present stability and to the future of the country:

A) It identifies the problems within the country;

B) It also imposes the urgency to reach a lasting solution with Greece on the name issue and to include the Albanians in the direct dialogue with Bulgaria, “unblocking, thus, the country’s path toward full integration in NATO and open negotiations for membership in the European Union”.

I earnestly hope, though without excessive optimism, that the new Government in Skopje will be pragmatic and indeed open-minded in this regard.

4. Stick to realities; not to illusions

A. Notwithstanding the problem over the name, Greece’s stance remains unchanged. Since the outbreak of the 2001 conflict to the recent crises, Greece has been vocal and unequivocal in lending its support to the territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Athens also appealed to and encouraged indeed FYROM’s neighbors to abide by the principle of non-interference in her domestic affairs.

Since 2007-2008, some of us were loudly pointing to the fact that Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski and his cabinet were guided by a peculiar mixture of political primitivism, and unreasonable provocations toward Greece. They also abused the state, the judiciary and the rule of law. They considered the state and the civil service as their property and a political trophy.

B. Nevertheless, for many years, we were indicating that this line will ultimately backfire. We were considered as “tough“. Today, it is hard to find an international analyst not qualifying Nikola Gruevski’s term as authoritarian, corrupted and nationalistic. He ruined his own country, undermined the Euro-Atlantic perspective and damaged the relations with Greece. Today there is much ado in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to remedy with the leftovers of this mess, including in their relations with Greece.

Prime Minister Zoran Zaev recently distanced himself from the Gruevski’s regime provocative actions admittedly directed against Greece. Yet, he said he was not ready to remove the statues. In other words, he keeps the strong symbols of Gruevski’s provocations.

To start with, renaming the Petrovac Airport and the Corridor X (Skopje -Thessaloniki) would be a good starter. Words should be followed by deeds.

More important compared to the ludicrous message supposedly the statues are there to send, is the irredentist content of the history and geography textbooks. They are one of the root causes of the nationalism. Since the1991 independence, no government in Skopje tackled this serious issue. So, will nationalism and irredentism be continued to be officially taught in school, college and Universities?
Anyway, not surprisingly, this kind of criticism comes now, quite late indeed; particularly from those who for many years in a well-orchestrated “beauty contest“ in Skopje, in Washington and in Brussels as well, were openly or behind closed doors praising and supporting Gruevski's policies, including those meant to undermine Greece. They also bear an important part of responsibility. In vain, Albert Einstein has been warning from Princeton that “The world is in greater peril from those who tolerate or encourage evil than from those who actually commit it.”

C. It is in Greece’s interest to see the territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of our neighbor preserved and indeed cemented. It is also in Greece’s interest to reach an agreement on the name issue on the basis of a mutually acceptable solution. It is important to engage the new government in Skopje, enhance the process for new Confidence Building Measures and explore in a quiet manner if the change of government implies also a change of policies.

I earnestly hope that Prime Minsier’s Zaev government will not play tactics.

In case both Athens and Skopje raise now too high expectations they may quickly be confronted with dilemmas, setbacks and ultimately with illusions.

Yet, any positive signal coming now from Skopje is welcomed and would be reciprocated.

I humbly propose to the two Governments, their political elites, the media and the civil society to focus their attention to the young generation. Ultimately, a holistic joint effort should improve the relations between the two neighbors, creating thus conditions for a better future for the youngsters. Accordingly, it is of substance to name this campaign “The Next Generation Initiative".

D. It is in the vital interest of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to realize at last, that the key capital to work with is neither Brussels nor Washington. The new Government in Skopje will soon understand that at this juncture there is not “a deus ex machina”. Unlike November 2004, history will not be repeated; this time the check for interethnic stability and peace will be cashed in Skopje, not in Athens.

A reminder: the November 2004 unilateral recognition of the constitutional name by the United States of America and the full support extended to our northern neighbor was not sufficient to make them join NATO. The Bucharest April 3, 2008 consensus Declaration has been standing for ten years and reiterated during four NATO Summits .The formal and official NATO position reads as follows:

”… Therefore we agreed that an invitation to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia will be extended as soon as a mutually acceptable solution to the name issue has been reached. We encourage the negotiations to be resumed without delay and expect them to be concluded as soon as possible.”

As the “underdog theory” is omnipresent in Skopje, I already see that the quarter of century old stratagem “Greece is responsible and accountable for our problems” is rebounding. After all, this is exactly in line with the policies so far followed by Nikola Gruevski.

For sure, our friends in Skopje realize that neither Alexander the Great nor his father Philip and the Macedonian phalanx proved to adequately serve the purpose to join NATO and to open accession talks with the European Union.

I am aware that NATO membership is a priority of the new government. Accordingly, solving the name issue on the compromise formula “a composite name with a geographic qualifier for all uses (erga omnes)” should normally be the top priority. This formula proposed by Athens as early as September 2007, is not unanimously accepted in Greece. Indeed the readiness for a compromise has been eroding following Gruevski’s political primitivism and nationalism. Furthermore, the important and powerful Hellenic Macedonian diaspora adamantly opposes this formula.

5 . A fresh look at and a return to the UNSC Resolutions

At this stage, Athens may contemplate with the option to distance itself with the outdated, rather obsolete “Interim Accord” signed on September 13, 1995. This document has been seriously undermined. Furthermore, Greece has no interest to stick to it. The December 5, 2011 Ruling of the International Court of Justice while condemning Greece has also given a negative interpretation of its fundamental provisions detrimental to Greece’s interests and concerns. On paper, the “Interim Accord” is still valid.

The roadmap to the solution of the name lies with two key UN Security Council Resolutions. The first is the UNSC 817 (April, 7 1993).

This unanimous Resolution referring to the application and admission to the UN under the provisional name “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (to be seated between Togo and Thailand) states that: "Noting however that a difference has arisen over the name of the State, which needs to be resolved in the interest of the maintenance of peaceful and good-neighborly relations in the region”. This is exactly how and when the issue became of an international nature. It is always in the Security Council’s agenda.

Following the “Proposal for a Draft Treaty “ tabled in May 1993 by Lord David Owen and the late Cyrus Vance, while taking into account the initial reactions of the respective governments in Athens and Skopje, the Security Council by its unanimous Resolution 845 (of June,18 1993):

1. Expresses its appreciation to the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia for their efforts and commends to the parties as a sound basis for the settlement of their difference the proposals set forth in annex V to the report of the Secretary-General;

2. Urges the parties to continue their efforts under the auspices of the Secretary-General to arrive at a speedy settlement of the remaining issues between them;”

By doing so, the United Nations Security Council “commended” to Greece and to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia draft Treaty with the proposed composite name “Nova Makedonija” for all uses. The need and aim for a composite name stems directly from the UN Security Council.

6. Establishing the Rule of Law

There are also many critical issues at stake for the new government. The Department of State’s Spoke-person in her May 31, 2017 statement congratulated Prime Minister Zoran Zaev and the parliamentary majority on the formation of a new government stressing inter alia that ”As a friend and partner the United States looks forward to working with the new government as it strives to fulfill the country’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations by implementing urgent reforms that strengthen rule of law and judicial independence, media freedom, and government accountability.”

Athens should feel comfortable with this Statement. Indeed these elements precisely were always included in the Greek analysis and rationale though often questioned by some partners and allies. Time and timing are of essence.

The enumeration of the existing fundamental deficiencies and shortcomings in the Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia that need to be addressed is impressive. The list is long and hard to achieve without a change in the mentality and priorities.

Wishful thinking will not be sufficient per se to move the country ahead.

I hope that all those in Skopje, including Prime Minister Zoran Zaev, who preferred for a decade to close their eyes and their ears to Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski’s policies toward Greece, realize now that they were also wrong. We need deeds, not words. While words will evaporate positive deeds will be reciprocated. Abraham Lincoln was absolutely right. He insisted that: “Passion has helped us, but can do so no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason, cold calculating, unimpassioned reason, must furnish all the materials for our future support and defense.”

​Source: ELIAMEP | Alexandros P. Mallias

In its bid to join the NATO alliance, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) is willing to consider provisional names so as to overcome Greek objections, the Financial Times reported on Monday.

“I will ask Greece to reconsider what kind of neighbour they want — do they want a stable, friendly country that offers hope for democracy and justice?” said FYROM Foreign Minister Nikola Dimitrov in an interview to the paper.

“If we are a good neighbour, then hopefully political forces in Greece will realise this is a historic opportunity," he added.

Dimitrov told the paper it was too soon to discuss any specific name proposals, but said he would meet Greek ministers on Wednesday in an effort to restore confidence between the two countries.

Greece had vetoed the Balkan nation’s application to the alliance in 2008.

FYROM calls itself Macedonia, but Greece rejects the name as, it asserts, implies a territorial claim to the northern Greek province with the same name.

Greece has also vehemently denounced FYROM for lifting ancient Greek history in order to justify its claim to the name Macedonia.

​The country’s former prime minister, Nikola Gruevski had caused a national outcry in Greece when he renamed airports and motorways after Alexander the Great, the warrior king who created an empire stretching from Greece to India.

Source: Ekathimerini